Alice Malsenior Walker

During the two decades from 1876 to 1894, Edwards argues the country go through a revolving door atmosphere in the political realm, adept through which both parties entered and exited routinely and with through the narrowest margins of victory when pleasing office. Because of this instability, both parties sought to once again redefine their ideologies and grammatical gender relationships in order to gain a wide power base. The Democrats became more than sensitive to women's roles, however, they ref utilise to define them from a political cyclorama leave out via their role as shoppers and consumers in line with their internal role. The Republicans in like manner shifted their ideological paradigm with respect to women. Instead of joust their laws protected family values because of a superior virtuousity on behalf of women, they now argued for the same protection of these values from an economic standpoint.

This date also represented a time of political experimentation, and about groups formed as third-party alternatives. Some of these third-party organizations, like the Women's Christian sobriety Union-backed Prohibition and Home Protection Party and the Populists called for woman vote in the case of the former and for egalitarian roles for men and women in the case of the later. The Populists were successful in having some states grant women rise suffrage, but their victories would be short-lived as the turn o

The book is structured chronologically, with the first chapter using the backdrop of the Civil War as a bit point in American society and politics. Chapter two reviews the political orientation behind suffragists, prohibitionists, and Republicans in an effort to show different experimental models of politics with respect to gender and the power relations of the family. In chapter three we get a picture of the Democrats and how their focus on women was indoors the domestic sphere, but not politically except for the focus on economics wherein women were the main shoppers and consumers in the home.

In chapter four we see how the Republican party tried to lucre a broad constituency over the Democrats by maintaining a moral superiority (much as they do today) and also by positing itself as the protector of blacks, wage earners, and the home. One of these protections even women believed were in their avow best interests were tariffs, which underscores how both parties came to define women's protection in name of economics. The next chapter on populism shows how this third-party alternative tried to advanced the well-nigh egalitarian definition of manhood and womanhood and gender relations during the period. It also shows how any party, large or small, must cast of characters ideological fundamentals in order to attract as wide a coalition as possible. Populists also used economics as a tool to demonstrate the ineffectualness of tariffs and how a graduated income tax was necessary to provide more equality between rich and poor. Liquor legislation also created factions within the populists, factions we see that are similar to the disagreement of groups within all parties as well as the parties themselves. However, partisan politics were losing their view as a means to greater equality among women leaders. As Susan B. Anthony remarked, "Oh, I have been through the partisan battle. I don't want to see it again."

Nonetheless, women soon learned that suffrage and women's issues had to compet
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